March 12, 2016
While many good books have been written about the ideology and actions of the New Left movement of the 1960s, the one which I found most instructive is Underground: My Life with the SDS and the Weathermen, because it is a firsthand account by one of the leaders and because the author, Mark Rudd, is a Jew, and quite open about that fact.
For those not familiar with SDS (Students for a Democratic Society), it was the premier New Left organization of the 1960s ‘counterculture’ college campus radicals, and the Weathermen, or the Weather Underground, was its violent counterpart.
Their ostensible goal was to end American imperialism, racism and the Vietnam war and then usher in an egalitarian (i.e. raceless/classless/genderless) Marxist utopia.
Instead they just destroyed the entire country.
They are the people who, after the visible New Left fizzled out, took – most notably in media and academia – the “long march through the institutions” that resulted in the anti-White tyranny of political correctness that we are living under today.
The “long march through the institutions” was a phrase coined by the German-Jewish New Left radical Rudi Dutschke, and a strategy that was advocated by the Jewish “Father of the New Left” Herbert Marcuse, as well as many of the other New Left counterculture “gurus.” Marcuse was a leading theoretician of the Frankfurt School, which was located on Mark Rudd’s campus, Columbia University, and mixed the poisonous Jewish doctrines of Marxism and Freudianism into a potent ideological weapon against traditional White society.
The SDS at its peak in 1968 had around 100,000 known members in 400 chapters. Scholars have estimated that over 60% of its leadership, and 30-50% of its rank and file membership, were Jews (here and here), and the Frankfurt School, which gave them their ideology, was strictly a Jewish movement. Given that the Jews have only ever made up around 2% of the American population, that is pretty much proof enough, in and of itself, that the New Left countercultural revolution was essentially a Jewish coup.
Even just a rudimentary examination of these sick people and their demented ideologies goes a long way in explaining our current society, as the following excerpts from Mark Rudd’s book demonstrate.
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The New Left revolution, in the mind of the Jew, was a conscious war on the ‘goyim’:
Imagine an idealistic Jewish kid growing up in a suburban New Jersey town, always knowing that the world consisted of two kinds of people: Us and Them, the Jews and the goyim.[ . . . ]
I’ve often wondered, over the years, why I called my parents that morning. I couldn’t have been seeking their approval, something I knew I’d never get. Maybe it was simply that Jewish boys call home, it’s that deeply ingrained.
Or maybe I was unconsciously bragging to them: “Look, I’m finally an American, just like you wanted. I’m not afraid to stand up, to speak out. I don’t need to keep my head down, like you’ve always done. I can protest like any other American. I’ve made it in America! Oh, by the way, you may not be crazy about this part, but I’m going to work to bring down the dumb goyim who run this country. I’ll be the Jewish defender of the weak and the downtrodden.”
The character of Mark Rudd:
A few weeks later, Vice President Truman told the New York Times reporter how he felt about me, personally:
He is totally unscrupulous and morally very dangerous. He is an extremely capable, ruthless, cold-blooded guy. He’s a combination of a revolutionary and an adolescent having a temper tantrum. No one has ever made him or his friends look over the abyss. It makes me uncomfortable to sit in the same room with him.
The character of the New Left leadership, generally:
Years later, looking through a large file of my Freedom of Information Act papers, I ran across an FBI report that quoted the psychiatrist’s letter under the heading “Rudd’s problems”:
Chronic depression and a sense of isolation with intermittal [sic] suicidal ideation and impulses; high levels of anxiety in relationship to work, dating, sexuality, career and the future generally and difficulty in acceptance of the established authority of institutions.
At first I thought the shrink had laid it on a little thick, but then I realized his description sounded like everybody I knew.
Rudd was a Jewish coward, to boot:
Since I was a little kid, I’d been (and still am) afraid of violence. I was always ashamed of not standing up to bullies, even when they directly challenged me. In my family, violence was for the goyim or the trombeniks (hoodlums). I knew no one who hit another person. I did not play football. I had never lost my fear of violence.
On the sexual degeneracy of the New Left radicals:
It was a moment of extreme sexual experimentation. Group sex, homosexuality, casual sexual hook-ups were all tried as we attempted to break out of the repression of the past into the revolutionary future.
On one ride from Chicago to Detroit, all fourteen or so of us, except perhaps the driver, writhed naked on the floor of the van while hurtling down the interstate, legs, arms, torsos, genitals interlocked with no particular identity attached.
The homophilia of the New Left:
The line on homosexuality was that women should get close to women, men to men. In a revolutionary collective, there should be no barriers between people. Mainly, women slept with women; this was openly allowed. Men were more repressed. My own internal taboo never let me do more than fondle JJ’s penis during a threesome with a Weatherwoman one night. This homosexual experimenting had nothing to do with gay liberation.[ . . . ]
The one time, a year earlier, when we had tried a threesome, I had felt an intense excitement at the thought that my semen was mixing with JJ’s inside a woman. Now, once again, I was experiencing that same feeling, bonding with JJ through a woman.
On how “women’s liberation” means being able to cheat on your boyfriend/husband (in this case with two Jewish radicals) on a whim without facing any consequences:
It wasn’t only JJ that I was thinking of as I lay with Barbara—there was also myself. In my mind I was Barbara’s liberator, bringing her freedom from her life of quiet desperation. My penis was a magic wand of liberation. Sex was also, for me, a respite from my lonely days and nights contemplating the deaths of my friends and my own dismal future. At times of emotional crisis and depression, I always needed a woman.
God knows what was going on in Barbara’s head as she wrapped her small, firm body around her second revolutionary that afternoon.
That night when I entered Carl and Barbara’s apartment, they were in the midst of an argument. My fears had come true: Barbara had immediately told Carl about that afternoon. I was panicked but attempted to console Carl by telling him that women’s liberation shouldn’t threaten him. I also told him not to be jealous, saying something like, “Barbara’s attraction toward JJ and me shouldn’t reflect on your relationship.”
On Nature’s revenge for their rampant sexual immorality:
Weather sex was also a disaster for medical reasons: Gonorrhea, pelvic inflammatory disease, crab lice, and a nonspecific genital infection we called “Weather crud” were epidemic among us. Once, while making love with a woman, actually an old friend from Columbia, I looked into her face and saw a crab in her eyebrow. I could not go on.
On the fanatical anti-Whitism of the New Left:
By contrast, Terry and JJ, the two East Coast leaders, sure of where we were going, were providing leadership. In our many meetings in New York City, one or the other would rant, “White people are pigs. This whole society has to be brought down. We have got to defeat white-skin privilege; we can’t let the Panthers and the Vietnamese bear all the costs.”
At that point we had determined that there were no innocent Americans, at least no white ones. They—we—all played some part in the atrocity of Vietnam, if only the passive roles of ignorance, acquiescence, and acceptance of privilege. Universally guilty, all Americans were legitimate targets for attack.
On siding with the violent Black animals who were burning cities down all across America:
Standing across from Columbia president Grayson Kirk’s mansion, at the corner of Morningside Drive and West 116th Street, JJ and I looked out over Harlem as dusk fell that unseasonably warm early April night. Below, we could see the flames of dozens of fires, dark smoke clouds trailing upward. In the distance we heard the shrieks of fire and ambulance sirens and, rising above that, the roar of a sound I’ve never heard before or since: the wailing of the hundreds of thousands of people of Harlem, the capital of black America.
JJ and I looked at each other, and both of us said the same words at the same time: “Let’s go!” We tore down the broken steps that descended through untended, garbage-strewn Morningside Park, the no-man’s-land between the Heights and Harlem. Wandering around Harlem most of the night, we watched people loot TVs and stereos from appliance stores, face down lines of beleaguered cops, set up improvised barricades of garbage cans to block the fire engines. “Burn, baby, burn!” seemed to be the message.
On the morality of literally murdering all newborn White babies, since they are all “the enemy”:
There were crazy discussions at Flint over whether killing white babies was inherently revolutionary, since all white people are the enemy.
Out of this bizarre thinking came Bernardine’s infamous speech praising Charles Manson and his gang’s murder of actress Sharon Tate, her unborn child, and the LaBiancas. “Dig it!” she exclaimed. “First they killed those pigs, then they ate dinner in the same room with them. They even shoved a fork into the victim’s stomach! Wild!” We instantly adopted as Weather’s salute four fingers held up in the air, invoking the fork left in Sharon Tate’s belly. The message was that we shit on all your conventional values, you murderers of black revolutionaries and Vietnamese babies. There were no limits now to our politics of transgression.
Though Rudd admits to the “maybe we should kill White babies” incident, he fails to mention the meeting in which he and some other Weather Underground members decided that after overthrowing the U.S. Government, they would need to put 100 million American citizens – 40% of the population – into “reeducation” camps and exterminate a full ¼ of them (25 million!).
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So there you have it. The correlations between today’s world and the radical views and attitudes described above speak for themselves: the rabid anti-Whiteness, political correctness, media support and incitement of Black rioters and widespread sexual degeneracy we see today all follows the “long march through the institutions” of these scumbags in a perfectly predictable fashion.
And to think characters like Mark Rudd used to be considered “radical” only 50-60 years ago. Now anybody who opposes even the most outrageous of his and his kind’s beliefs – up to and including the destruction of the entire White race – is considered a “radical” or an “extremist,” and the leaders of the Weather Underground, whose dozens of terror attacks included bombing the New York City police headquarters and the Pentagon, all went on to land cushy jobs as professors – Bill Ayers at the University of Illinois at Chicago, Bernardine Dohrn at the Northwest University School of Law and Mark Rudd at Central New Mexico Community College – rather than spending their lives in prison.