The Perdition of the Judeo-Left

Eric Striker
Daily Stormer
January 8, 2017

The victory of the National Socialists in the revolution of 1933 could easily be viewed as a victory against the Jewish-commanded Bolsheviks, but their ultimate achievement was in kneecapping the failed and self-absorbed institutional conservatives. Against the militant Left, the NSDAP’s prescription was to fight the enemy through Aufbruchsstimmung – revolutionary awakening – which elevates the human passion for fatherland, idealism and hunger for genuine social justice through political mobilization.

The ideal National Socialist – pushy, dreamy, militant and ready to impose the will – has more in common with the temperament of a non-Jewish, non-homosexual communist/Leftist than with a conservative. For this reason, every conservative – from Cato the Elder to Enoch Powell to Stefan Molyneux – masquerading their masturbatory personal addiction for looking smarter than thou through high-minded abstractions, has and will fail to achieve their stated goals.

Following Powell’s 1968 “Rivers of Blood” speech against non-white immigration, he was sacked from the Conservative party. The vast majority of the British working class supported Powell, and immediately following his dismissal, thousands of dock workers, meat porters, and others left their stations to strike in protest in favor of Powell’s reinstatement.

A 92-page petition backing Powell’s immigration stance was presented to him, offering to cripple the British economy and bring down the government if they didn’t grant them their demands to eliminate mass immigration. But conservatives are inverted special snowflakes, who hate collective accomplishments – even ones that benefit them – more than they hate corruption they can pat themselves on the back for signaling against.

Powell rejected the proposal for a national revolution, in fear for further damage to his personal prestige and legacy if they failed in the wake of the Jewish/British establishment dropping their hate speech case and offering him a personal compromise. Meanwhile, the parliamentary left had no qualms setting Britain aflame. Leftist college students and the Jew-engineered Beatles led a well-financed but brutal boutique movement in cooperation with the British media to put down the revolutionary working class upheaval, and without leaders, the workers were defeated. The Judeo-Left has revised this embarrassing black eye to their (former) narrative as advocates of the working people by claiming some of the dock workers and meat porters were “plants” – former members of Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists.

The subjugation of the self for the well-being of the whole – collectivism – is anathema to conservatism, which is why every conservative movement in history has failed. Thanks to Powell’s cowardice, Englishmen are today a helpless minority in London.

Beyond Left and Right

As a working class and anti-capitalist movement, the National Socialists bashed the conservatives and bourgeoisie as capitulators and traitors. Both the Social-Democrats and Communists (KPD) dominated large swaths of Germany at the time, but internationalism/globalism has never been popular among Proletarians, which meant that winning over the non-Jewish followers of Marxism in Red Berlin was a difficult but manageable task.

Throughout the 1920s into the breakthroughs of the 1930’s, Joseph Goebbels took the relatively small presence of the NSDAP and turned it into a national phenomenon. Armed with opposition to capital from a nationalist perspective, and bolstered by the Sturmabteilung to defend meetings from attacks by the Roter Frontkämpferbund (Red Front the communist paramilitary organization that beat opponents), Goebbels won the hearts and minds of enormous numbers of ordinary Social-Democrat and Communist voters.

By 1932-33, when the NSDAP was surging, the Communist Party leader Ernst Thalmann wrote , in veiled terms , on the ideological helplessness of Bolshevism once the political front shifted from economics to questions of nationalism. With the Nationalsocialists calling for many of the economic reforms the KPD championed, Thalmann wrote of a need deemphasize the globalist marbling within Marxist ideology, and even pose as German patriots themselves:

because of the great upsurge in Chauvinism it will be impossible to drive back Hitler fascism unless we expose it on the national question and proclaim our revolutionary road in the liberation struggle against Versailles to the masses.

In the Communist Party newspaper Pionier Des Bolshewismus, the concept was extrapolated upon, and enjoyed some limited initial success:

Very many Nazi voters expected national liberation through their party, which it can never deliver. We must stress the national question more strongly than before in our agitation and propaganda and show that the KPD is the only party waging the struggle for Germany’s national liberation from the tribute burdens of the Young Plan. The radicalisation particularly of proletarian elements in the Nazi party is manifesting itself clearly through the switching of individuals and even whole groups of SA members to the Kampfbund gegen des Faschismus or the KPD.

This late game desperate strategy was difficult to hold together due to the flagrant abandonment of fundamental Marxist “scientific” assertions, but was utilized to an extent (obviously in a watered down form, since he was not a Marxist) by President Bill Clinton’s highly successful campaigns during the 1990s.

In the end, the story and strategy deployed by the Nationalsocialists to smash the Kiked Left is quite remarkable, and it is precisely why the Judeo-Left will hold their nose and say “P.U.” to some cuckold like Paul Ryan, but become physically violent when a figure preaches nationalism in conjunction with working and middle class economic grievances.

As with the KPD voters in Berlin that later jumped to become fanatical Nationalsocialists, most ordinary red state white people who voted for Leftists like Bernie Sanders in droves are not our enemy. They simply find themselves left behind by neo-liberal capitalism and rarely hear anyone talking about solutions. As Trump began abandoning Losertarian Paul Ryan cuckenomics, white workers who voted for Bernie Sanders jumped ship.

This growing demographic of discontent is precisely what Jews fear us persuading to our emerging movement.

Nu-Left Identity Politics: A Noose We Will Use to Hang Them

The de-emphasis of left-wing rhetoric away from economic grievances to racial agitation against white people was a shot fired prematurely that some on the Left are now beginning to regret. As fair minded strategists simply looking to make society better, white non-Jewish Leftists are willing to take another look at “identity politics” and possibly dismiss them because they needlessly attack white people. But the selected Negroes, sexual deviants and non-whites Jews have spent decades grooming and inciting to lead the present-day war on whites have already left the port, and the effect in the current information war has been like a bull in a china shop, or more accurately, an HIV positive African in a newborn nursery.

This newly minted contradiction between Jews (whose ultimate plan is to exterminate the white race) and white Leftists (who sometimes just feel left-wing politics are the correct – or only – vehicle for improving living standards, protecting the little guy or defending the environment) is embodied by the Socialist publication The Jacobin, that has been a loud critic of anti-white politics.

Conversely, the Jew Ned Resnikoff, for the kike astroturf site “Think Progress,” has written a long-winded column articulating his fears about the potential of white revolutionaries breaking fully from conservatism, both in rhetoric and in temperament.

Think Progress:

Third Position ideologues tend to be impressed with their own originality, but fascists have always borrowed from the left when it suited them. Benito Mussolini — the fascist leader par excellence — began his career in politics as a scribbler for various socialist publications; he would go on to smuggle elements of socialist thought into a right-wing, nationalist framework. Nor was he alone, according to Barnard College political scientist Sheri Berman.

“During the interwar period, social democrats, fascists, and national socialists championed a ‘third way’ in economics that avoided the extremes of free-market liberalism and communism, insisting that the state could and should control capitalism without destroying it. … The main difference was that under Fascists and Nazis, the price to pay for this program was the destruction of democracy and the jettisoning of civil liberties and human rights that accompanied it,” wrote Berman in The Primary of Politics, her book on European social democracy.

Though the biggest difference between Third Positionism and other strands of fascism may be little more than a matter of emphasis, it is nonetheless an important distinction. Far more than many other white supremacist radicals, early Third Position devotees grasped the usefulness of fascism’s political malleability. And by deliberately adopting left-wing vocabulary for some of their ideas, they presaged American white supremacism’s return to the rhetoric of blue collar populism — something which Dixiecrats had embraced in the first half of the twentieth century, but gradually abandoned as they shifted into the Republican coalition.

Groups like the National Bolshevik Party and American Third Position can now plausibly claim to have been ahead of their time. They saw, better than nearly anyone else, how even a symbolic gesture toward left-wing economic thought could radically expand white nationalism’s recruitment prospects.

But Third Positionism nonetheless spent decades on the fringes of the fringe. Until the liberal order’s weakness gave them an opening.

What Labour did have — thanks to excitement over Corbyn and a rules change that made it easier to join — was hundreds of thousands of new members. But these freshman Labourites were skewing the party’s demographics even further away from the working class that Corbyn claimed to represent. A January 2016 report on the incoming Labour membership found that “high-status city dwellers living in central locations and pursuing careers with high rewards are highly over-represented.”

Without an industrial base, a disciplined trade union movement, or a coherent economic critique, the party has little to hold itself together besides Corbyn’s appeal as a cult hero. In the words of British philosopher John Gray: “The defining feature of Corbynite Labour is not an anachronistic utopian socialism, but a very modern kind of liberal narcissism.”

Recent British history has proven that such narcissism is powerless against a sustained right-wing assault. Although Labour was officially against Brexit, Corbyn’s public efforts on behalf of Remain were perfunctory at best, and more than one-third of the party’s supporters ultimately voted Leave. Now Labour is hemorrhaging votes to UKIP, prompting one prominent MP to observe that there are “no safe Labour seats” anymore.

Resnikoff is well-cognizant of the vulnerability Jewish agenda-makers like himself face in the current political climate, but his solution – difficult to believe – is to try and aggravate and alienate whites even further.

White workers have not been abandoned to their fate, but they constitute a smaller-than-ever portion of the working class as a whole. And thanks to a combination of changing demographics and civil rights legislation, they have lost some of the prerogatives of whiteness when it comes to things like hiring disparities and access to public goods. To stop “leaving behind” white workers would mean to reify America’s caste system so they can regain those privileges. The white nationalists of the “alt-right” understand this and make it explicit. On the white left, it remains subtext.

But there’s no need for subtext when it comes to describing the common enemies of the white left and populist right: black and brown “social justice warriors” and Clintonian centrism, which often get depicted as natural allies and enemies of the white working class. The left-wing version of this critique argues that “SJWs” insist on the primacy of “identity politics” — by which they mean any analysis that foregrounds issues of race, gender, and orientation, instead of calling them adjuncts to the labor question — and thereby strengthen neoliberalism by distracting everyone from the real issues.
As an editor for the socialist journal Jacobin put it in May, “when racism can be blamed, capitalism can be exonerated.”

White nationalist ideology is powerful enough to bridge the left-right divide, but it is not yet powerful enough to command an electoral majority. Donald Trump lost the popular vote, and he is currently the most unpopular president-elect in the history of modern polling. Whatever their individual prejudices, most Americans want to live in a multiracial democracy.

But that democracy is under threat. White nationalists understand they can’t win a fair election, so they will spent the next four years trying to render more elections either unfair or irrelevant. They’re already well along in North Carolina, where the Republican legislature has moved to strip power from the incoming Democratic governor. In any state they can, white populists will soon take further steps to hobble the offices they don’t control and suppress non-white votes.

Under no circumstances should this movement back away from its commitment to pluralism. The aim of white nationalism is to destroy the multiracial democratic state, and any attempt at compromise will only bring it closer to that goal. People of color, women, LGBT people, and members of other marginalized groups are not a liability to the resistance against Trump; they are its leaders.

In other words, Jews are quietly doubling down on their genocidal plan, which will only succeed in awakening the racial instinct of whites even further. This will deepen the current divide within left-wing institutions and their white grassroots, once they are nothing more than old spinsters, fags and seething non-whites with a chip on their shoulder, Jews will be forced to micromanage more and more, and continue exposing themselves.

Hate and Bourgeois Narcissism Aren’t Enough for Jews to Stop the Aryan Man

All modern Leftist ideas are predicated on the racial hatred of white people, the penis-envy of men, and the demonization of natural families. Separate hate from politics, and the po-mo left literally has no position on anything. That is precisely why our worldview, Western civilization and protecting the people that bear its torch, can wrestle power out of their hands easily – even though they have all of the cultural institutions, big businesses, education system, and media locked down for themselves.

Enlightening the public is the first step. All it took in the Chicongo case to begin mobilizing the white masses was to upload and spread the video of Negroes kidnapping and torturing a young white man while racially abusing him.

National revolutionaries are now forcing the mass media to cover what is actually going on in America – even if with transparent spin – and even indirectly forcing Chicongo’s police department to take a brief break from eating at Rahm Emanuel’s trough and call it a “hate crime.” This would’ve never happened even 10 years ago.

The mistake some on the right make in approaching the public is the assumption of apathy rather than ignorance. The average white person isn’t a racialist because they don’t know the extent of what’s going on in their country, and if they do, they don’t know how many other people there are out there who feel the same that they do and they can work with to fight back.

The post-modern Left is in deeper trouble than their Communist forbearers were in 1930s Europe. Normal people, unlike the KPD in 1932 Germany, have all jumped ship, and rightfully perceive the (((left))) as hostile not just to their beliefs, but to their lives.

The Jew Michelle Goldberg introduced the wearing of the “safety pin” to show “marginalized groups” that they are “white allies.” This campaign was peddled aggressively to the most suggestible element of the public – women – initially touted in fashion and gossip trash like Fashionista and Vogue.

And while a handful of upper middle class women have apparently taken up this idiocy, how many people have you seen wearing a safety pin? Outside of SWPLy Midwest college campuses and Manhattan Jew Brunch-spots, probably none. Even the slowest of people are beginning to notice that Leftists/liberals and strident neo-liberal vulture capitalists are working together to destroy the white working class.

The mongrelization of cultures, traditions and yes races (in spite of instinctual avoidance for most), creates something neither here nor there, only what unites the base aspect of man: the ever expanding stomach and pursuit of genital stimulation – McDonald’s, Weed and Porn.

Culturally bankrupt and deracinated man is malleable to the Jew, an animated stomach and dick that works for cheap and only demands fleeting gimmicks in compensation until it dies. The Jew, meanwhile, plans to plop his feet up at the desk looking down on the ants from his 100 story Manhattan office building, free to steal and murder without having to worry about an anti-Jewish backlash. By pushing for more multi-culturalism, the left plants the seed for super-capitalism, where all non-economic and non-consumerist values that are what separate us from animals are obliterated forever. Safe to say that Goldman Sachs, Wal-Mart and Apple are happy to support this endeavor.

The two ideological frequencies have intersected, but now our guys are surging increasingly beyond the reach of the Jew. We must continue attacking conservatives by completely dismissing and mocking their stupid rhetoric, while taking up “leftist” (or what conservative’s like Molyneux would refer to as “collectivist”) ideas that are compatible with our mission.

The hard-left Jacobin, the canary in the coal mine, has addressed the issue yet again in light of the controversy over (((MTV’s))) anti-white video in a universally ignored, even attacked, piece by Shuja Haider.

Jacobin Magazine:

In contrast, the “2017 Resolutions” video doesn’t present much of a threat to the alt-right. The backlash to it was so severe that MTV removed it within forty-eight hours of posting it. But the statement it makes isn’t just ineffective as political strategy — it also fails as political analysis. While the video names the object (“white guys”) it addresses, effectively aligning them with the Right, it doesn’t articulate the identity of the subject making the statement.

The speaking subject is “we.” What’s left unanswered is, who does that pronoun represent? Who does it include? This is the question Richard Spencer has put front and center in National Policy Institute propaganda: “who are we?”

The alt-right has an answer — one that is consistent with the long history of imperialism and white supremacy. As their adoption of the language of identity politics shows, the Right takes comfort when the Left’s answer merely inverts the one generated by this history. It allows the Right to draw the battle lines, marking the territory of their white national fantasy.

I’m sorry to break it to you Mr. Haider, but the identity of the subject attacking “white guys” is Sumner Rothstein, one of the Jews cynically looking to use your dreams and aspirations as a means for his own racial exterminationist ends.