New Study Shows Tension Between Nationalist and Cuck Wing of GOP Starting to Impact Elections

Eric Striker
Daily Stormer
June 18, 2017

Corey Stewart’s strong showing in Virginia along with Karen Handel’s equally astonishing weakness in Georgia is being studied. The conclusion: the GOP must explicitly appeal to whites or they will vanish!

The cuck think-tank Cato Institute looked at the new landscape in the GOP and managed to split voters into categories, like “American Preservationists” and more (((traditional))) Republicans.

The preservationists support state intervention in the economy, want to control America’s borders (including shutting down legal immigration) and find racialist ideas appealing.

The cuckservatives only care about lowering taxes for billionaires and Israeli zygotes.

If you are feeling America’s pulse right now – which side do you think has all the momentum?

The cuck candidate Karen Handel’s inability to rally pro-American GOP voters is catching up to her as her Judeo-Democrat opponent Jon Ossoff ties her in the polls. We don’t want what this female Jeb! is selling, and I hope she gets punished on election day for it.

Washington Post:

It has been two years and two days since President Trump announced his candidacy for the top office — and the Republican Party hasn’t been the same since. Trump upended the traditional GOP politics, and his presidency offers near-daily evidence of strains within the party that aren’t going away anytime soon.

Anyone looking for real-time evidence could see it in the results of last week’s Republican gubernatorial primary in Virginia. Many analysts believed Ed Gillespie, the former Republican National Committee chairman and adviser to President George W. Bush, would cruise to victory in the primary. Instead, he barely defeated Corey Stewart, a Trumpian candidate who campaigned against immigration and for the preservation of the state’s Confederate monuments.

More evidence of the Trump effect on politics exists in Georgia ahead of Tuesday’s special congressional election in the 6th District, which covers suburban Atlanta. Pre-Trump, Republican Karen Handel probably would have held a comfortable lead. In the age of Trump, she is at risk of losing to Democrat Jon Ossoff. Days before the vote, neither side is confident of the outcome in a district that former GOP presidential candidate Mitt Romney won by 24 points in 2012 but Trump won by just two points in November.

The Virginia and Georgia elections offer two angles from which to examine the impact of Trump’s presidency on the politics of both parties. In Virginia, it is the story of a GOP coalition at odds with itself. In Georgia, it is Trump’s capacity to unite otherwise fractious Democrats as he unnerves many of the well-educated Republican voters.

As these contests unfold, Emily Ekins of the Cato Institute has provided a timely typology of Trump voters and, by implication, the Republican Party of 2017. Her work is one of several reports produced by the Democracy Fund Voter Study Group, which has brought together analysts from across the political spectrum to design and analyze survey research conducted by the online polling firm YouGov.

Ekins puts Trump voters into five groups: American Preservationists, Staunch Conservatives, Free Marketeers, Anti-Elites and the Disengaged (a relatively small group). Her takeaways are instructive and, for Republican leaders, challenging. She says there is “no such thing as one kind of Trump voter who voted for him for one single reason.” Trump voters hold “very different views on a wide variety of issues,” from immigration to national identity and race to trade and economics.

There are many traditional Republicans in the Trump coalition. He wouldn’t have won without them. But it was other voters who were attracted to his messages on race, religion, immigration and national identity that have left the Republicans in the state they are in. A look at just two of the five groups — the American Preservationists and the Staunch Conservatives — helps explain why navigating can be difficult for any Republican aspirant or elected official.

Ekins describes both as core Trump constituencies. The American Preservationists “lean economically progressive and embrace a nativist conception of American identity, take nativist stances on immigration and believe the system is biased against them.” Staunch Conservatives are “conventionally conservative” and distinct from Trump in that way. “They prefer less government intervention in the economy, support moral traditionalism and do not fear a rigged system,” Ekins said.

During the primaries, she writes, more than 8 in 10 American Preservationists voted for Trump, the highest of any of the five groups in her typology. “They helped catapult him to the nomination,” she says. Meanwhile, Trump was also the first choice of about 6 in 10 Staunch Conservatives in the primaries, which also played a key role in his success in winning the nomination.

At the same time, not quite 6 in 10 of these American Preservationists voted for Romney in 2012, while about one in six backed President Barack Obama. Among Staunch Conservatives, however, 9 in 10 backed Romney in 2012. Still, both groups overwhelmingly cast positive votes for Trump in November. Far higher percentages of Trump voters among the Free Marketeers and Anti-Elites considered their decision a negative vote against Hillary Clinton.

The ‘white pill’ here is that the GOP can no longer cruise to victory in places like deep red Georgia without getting 100% of whites on vote. That means they have to ignore their donors and start appealing to white identity – that’s the only way to get the sizable and discerning Alt-Right to vote for them. I’m not tooting our own horn here, but without us they can’t win!

The Democrats are in a similar situation. The DNC has the same problem reconciling its Wall Street wing with its Marxist contingent. Uniting the two camps by promising to exterminate white people ended up costing them the last election.

The fact of the matter is that once the boomers are gone, society will be too polarized between nationalists and communists for the uniparty to stay relevant. Unless both undergo radical reforms to actually represent what people want, they will both be engaging in nothing more than a race to the bottom.

Which is why we should start preparing our own political party for when Trump is out of the picture and the American Preservationists are looking for a new home. The plasticity of Conservatism means we can mold what it means to be “right-wing” just by grabbing the megaphone – that’s how the Jew neocons did it. There’s already a huge audience for our ideas, the problem before now was getting our message out to them.